Peugeot

Target Profile

• Company: Peugeot (brand of Stellantis N.V.)
• Jurisdiction: Netherlands (Stellantis N.V.); brand heritage — France
• Headquarters: Stellantis N.V. — Amsterdam, Netherlands (legal); Paris, France (PSA/Peugeot legacy operations)
• Sector: Automotive manufacturing and mobility services
• Relevant operating footprint: Manufacturing in France, Slovakia, and Spain; Israeli market served exclusively through independent distributor Colmobil Group / Bram Auto; no owned Israeli operational infrastructure
• Key executives or governance actors: Carlos Tavares (CEO, Stellantis, January 2021–December 2024); Stellantis Board of Directors and Supervisory Board; major shareholders — Exor N.V. (Agnelli family, ~14.4%), Établissements Peugeot Frères (~7%), Bpifrance (~6.2%)
• BDS-1000 score: 127
• Tier: E (0–199)

Executive Summary

Peugeot, a brand of Stellantis N.V., scores 127 (Tier E) on the BDS-1000 framework — a low score driven predominantly by its economic footprint in Israel via an exclusive independent distributor and, to a lesser degree, by a documented political double standard relative to its Ukraine response. No military contracting, digital integration with Israeli state entities, or active political advocacy in support of Israeli government positions has been identified across any of the four domain audits.

The company’s primary connection to Israel is commercial and transactional: Peugeot vehicles are sold into the Israeli market through Colmobil Group / Bram Auto, an independent Israeli distributor operating under a franchise agreement. This generates a recurring upstream wholesale revenue flow from Israel to Stellantis, without Stellantis holding any owned Israeli physical infrastructure, R&D presence, or direct employment in Israel. The franchise arrangement is the structural basis for the V-ECON domain’s Tier E score, which is the highest single domain contributor.

The second notable finding is political in character. Stellantis publicly suspended its Russia operations in March 2022 and issued a formal statement on the Ukraine conflict, including vehicle and logistics donations for humanitarian relief. No equivalent corporate statement, policy response, or operational adjustment has been identified in relation to the Israel-Palestine conflict or the 2023–2024 Gaza operations. This documented selectivity — consistent public geopolitical engagement on one conflict, silence on another — grounds the V-POL finding of selective silence.

Across V-MIL and V-DIG, the audits find no public evidence of direct defence contracting, Israeli-origin cybersecurity vendor relationships, technology provision to Israeli state or military entities, Israeli R&D investment, or participation in state-backed digital programmes. These nil findings are the dominant structural reason the composite score remains at Tier E rather than a higher band.

Timeline of Relevant Events

Corporate Overview

Peugeot is one of the oldest automotive brands in the world, tracing its origins to 1810 and commencing automobile production in the 1890s. Today it operates as a brand fully owned by Stellantis N.V., the multinational automotive group formed on 16 January 2021 from the merger of France’s PSA Group and the Netherlands/Italy/USA-domiciled Fiat Chrysler Automobiles.⁴ Stellantis is legally incorporated in the Netherlands and listed on Euronext Milan, Euronext Paris, and the New York Stock Exchange. Its primary stated corporate mission is automotive manufacturing and mobility services; the Articles of Association contain no provisions tying the company’s mission to any state’s geopolitical interests.¹⁰

All enterprise-level procurement, corporate governance, investor relations, and major partnership decisions are administered at the Stellantis group level. No Peugeot brand-level IT, procurement, or governance disclosures are publicly disaggregated from Stellantis group-level filings. The brand’s manufacturing base is located in France (Poissy, Mulhouse), Slovakia (Trnava), and Spain (Vigo and Zaragoza), with no vehicle assembly in Israel or the occupied Palestinian territories.¹¹

Major shareholders of Stellantis as of 2023–2024 are Exor N.V. (Agnelli family, ~14.4%), Établissements Peugeot Frères — EPF (Peugeot family, ~7%), and Bpifrance (French state investment bank, ~6.2%), with the balance in institutional and retail free float.¹² No Israeli sovereign, institutional, or corporate entity appears among Stellantis’s disclosed major shareholders. The French state’s Bpifrance stake is an instrument of French industrial policy with no identified connection to Israeli-linked interests. Following the 2021 merger, the French government does not hold a golden share or governance veto in Stellantis N.V.¹⁰

In Israel, Peugeot-branded vehicles are sold exclusively through Colmobil Group / Bram Auto, an independent Israeli publicly traded distributor that also holds distribution rights for Citroën and DS Automobiles. Under this franchise model, Colmobil takes title to vehicles at the wholesale transfer point, bears import risk, and manages all downstream retail, service, and aftersales operations within Israel. Stellantis holds no Israeli-registered subsidiary, branch office, or real estate. The commercial relationship is a standard automotive franchise distribution arrangement generating wholesale revenue flowing outward from Israel to Stellantis’s European-domiciled group.¹³

Domain Summaries

V-MIL: Military

Mechanism of Involvement

The V-MIL domain examines whether Peugeot or its parent Stellantis N.V. has engaged in direct defence contracting, dual-use military vehicle supply, heavy machinery provision for occupation infrastructure, supply-chain integration with Israeli defence prime contractors, logistical sustainment of Israeli military installations, or involvement with lethal weapons systems and strategic platforms. The domain score is 0.64 — reflecting incidental civilian market presence with no confirmed direct military channel engagement.

Direct contracting — no positive evidence. No public evidence has been identified of any current or recent direct contract, tender award, framework agreement, or memorandum of understanding between Peugeot, Stellantis, or any Stellantis group entity and the Israeli Ministry of Defence, Israel Defence Forces (IDF), Israel Prison Service, or Israel Border Police. Stellantis’s Universal Registration Documents for 2022 and 2023 — the principal corporate disclosure instruments covering all significant contracts and related-party transactions across all group brands — contain no reference to Israeli defence or security procurement.¹⁴ No appearance of Peugeot or Stellantis in SIBAT (Israel Defence Export and Defence Cooperation Directorate) listings has been identified.¹⁵

The Peugeot P4 — the only confirmed military vehicle, French-only. The sole confirmed direct military procurement in Peugeot’s history is the Peugeot P4, a light tactical 4×4 developed under licence from the Mercedes-Benz G-Class and supplied to the French Army from approximately 1981 through the early 2000s.² This programme was conducted under French domestic military contracts for the French Armed Forces exclusively. No confirmed export of the P4 to Israeli military or security forces has been identified in any source reviewed, including Jane’s records and French Ministry of Armed Forces documentation.² The P4 programme is now substantially complete. Its existence scores the Impact criterion at 1.5 (Incidental) rather than zero, reflecting confirmed historical military vehicle manufacturing capability, but its geographic and temporal distance from Israeli military supply is the key limiting factor on the Impact score.

Current LCV range — civilian commercial channel only. Peugeot’s current light commercial vehicle range (Partner, Expert/Traveller, Boxer) includes variants marketed to civil protection agencies, gendarmerie-adjacent customers, and emergency services across European markets.¹⁶ These are standard commercial platforms sold on the open market. No ruggedised, tactical, or mil-spec variant purpose-built for or confirmed as delivered to Israeli security forces has been identified. Peugeot vehicles are available in Israel through the authorised distributor, and any acquisition by Israeli police, border police, or prison service would proceed through the same civilian commercial channel as any other fleet buyer. No bespoke supply arrangement for Israeli state security bodies has been documented.¹³

No supply chain integration with Israeli defence primes. No public evidence has been identified of Peugeot or Stellantis supplying components, sub-systems, or materials to Elbit Systems, Israel Aerospace Industries, Rafael Advanced Defense Systems, or IMI Systems. Elbit’s 2023 Annual Report, IAI’s 2022 Annual Report, and Rafael’s public disclosures through 2024 do not reference Peugeot or Stellantis as a supplier.¹⁷ Stellantis’s SEC Conflict Minerals Report documents upstream mineral sourcing but identifies no supply flow to Israeli defence prime contractors.¹⁸

No strategic platform involvement. No public evidence has been identified of any Peugeot or Stellantis role — as manufacturer, integrator, maintainer, or component supplier — in Iron Dome, David’s Sling, Arrow/Hetz, the F-35I Adir programme, the Merkava tank series, or Israeli naval programmes.¹⁷

Rubric mapping. The scoring reflects: Impact 1.5 (Incidental — historical military vehicle capability, no current confirmed Israeli engagement); Magnitude 1.5 (Negligible/Very Low — no documented quantity, contract value, or duration for any Israel defence/security supply); Proximity 2.0 (Passive Market Link — vehicles reach the Israeli market only via an independent civilian distributor). The resulting V-MIL score of 0.64 is the second-lowest domain contribution to the composite.

Counter-Arguments and Evidence Limits

Israeli security-force fleet procurement gap. The most material open question in this domain is whether Israeli security forces — the police, Border Police, or Civil Administration — have procured Peugeot-branded or Stellantis LCVs through Colmobil/Bram Auto’s civilian distribution channel. Israeli MoD tender data and fleet procurement records for civilian-channel purchases are not consistently published in accessible formats, and this cannot be confirmed or excluded from public sources alone. NGO and human rights reporting (Yesh Din, B’Tselem, Who Profits) has noted the presence of Peugeot- and Citroën-branded vehicles among vehicle types used by Israeli security and military units in the West Bank, which is consistent with government fleet purchases through the civilian market.¹⁹ However, this represents vehicle presence documentation, not a confirmed direct OEM supply contract. Even if such civilian-channel fleet sales were confirmed, the absence of any direct OEM-to-government contract, FMS instrument, or military end-user certificate would keep the Impact score in the Incidental band and Proximity at the Passive Market Link level, producing a negligible V-MIL score change.

Tier 2/3 supply chain. Peugeot is one brand within a approximately 14-brand Stellantis group with a global supply network. Sub-tier (Tier 2/3) component flows across the full Stellantis supply chain to Israeli defence prime contractors cannot be exhaustively excluded on the basis of public disclosure alone. A full Tier 2/3 supply chain audit would require direct corporate disclosure or customs data beyond what is publicly available. This is a structural evidence limitation applicable to any large automotive OEM, not a specific finding against Peugeot.

DSEI/Eurosatory exhibitor directories. Whether Peugeot or any Stellantis entity exhibited in a defence-sector capacity at DSEI 2023 or Eurosatory 2022 could not be confirmed from available training data, and no such presence was identified. Live verification of exhibitor directories is recommended to close this gap formally.²⁰

Score stability. The V-MIL score of 0.64 is unlikely to move materially even under adverse evidence-gap resolution. The structural absence of any confirmed direct military procurement relationship, Israeli defence prime supply chain integration, or strategic platform involvement is the dominant driver.

Named Entities and Evidence Map

V-DIG: Digital

Mechanism of Involvement

The V-DIG domain examines whether Peugeot or Stellantis has deployed Israeli-origin technology, participated in Israeli state digital infrastructure programmes, provided technology to Israeli military or intelligence entities, operated R&D facilities in Israel, or acquired Israeli technology companies. The domain score is 0.00 across all three criteria — reflecting the complete absence of any identified positive finding.

Enterprise technology and Israeli-origin vendors. All enterprise IT procurement and vendor contracting are administered at the Stellantis group level; no Peugeot brand-level IT disclosures are publicly disaggregated from Stellantis group filings.²³ Stellantis’s disclosed strategic technology partnerships include Foxconn (manufacturing and mobility technology joint venture, March 2022), Amazon Web Services, and Google Cloud for connected-vehicle data platforms.⁶²⁴ These are US-headquartered entities. No Israeli-origin technology component is named in any public disclosure relating to these partnerships. No named licensing or integration contract between Stellantis/Peugeot and Israeli-origin cybersecurity or enterprise software vendors — including Check Point Software Technologies, Wiz, SentinelOne, CyberArk, NICE, Verint, or Claroty — has been identified in any corporate filing, vendor press release, or trade press record.²⁵

No surveillance or biometrics deployment. No public evidence has been identified of Peugeot or Stellantis deploying facial recognition, biometric identification, behavioural analytics, or workforce surveillance technology of Israeli origin at any manufacturing facility, dealership, or retail point of presence. No verified use involving Israeli-origin vendors active in this space (including Trigo, AnyVision/Oosto, BriefCam, or Trax) has been identified.²³

No Israeli cloud infrastructure or Project Nimbus participation. No public evidence has been identified of Peugeot or Stellantis operating, leasing, or co-locating data centre infrastructure within Israel. Peugeot/Stellantis is a civilian automotive manufacturer with no disclosed participation in Project Nimbus or any analogous Israeli state-backed cloud or digital infrastructure programme.²³ No evidence has been identified of data sovereignty or managed data services being provided to any Israeli government or state-affiliated body.

No technology provision to Israeli military or intelligence entities. No public evidence has been identified of any contract, partnership, or service agreement with the IDF, Shin Bet, Mossad, or any other Israeli intelligence or security agency. No Stellantis commercial technology — connected-vehicle systems, telematics hardware, fleet management software — has been documented as deployed for military, intelligence, or law enforcement surveillance applications within Israel or the occupied Palestinian territories.²³

No Israeli R&D footprint or acquisitions. No public evidence has been identified of Peugeot or Stellantis operating a research and development centre, engineering office, innovation lab, corporate accelerator, or scouting programme within Israel. No acquisition of an Israeli-origin technology company by PSA Group, Peugeot, or Stellantis has been identified in corporate disclosures, venture-capital records, or financial filings.²³ No significant patent portfolios, licensing agreements, or co-development arrangements with Israeli-domiciled academic or research institutions (including the Technion, Hebrew University, or Weizmann Institute) have been identified.

Rubric mapping. All three criteria score 0.00: no Israeli-origin digital engagement of any kind has been identified. The Impact, Magnitude, and Proximity scores are grounded in the complete absence of positive findings, not merely in assessment of degree.

Counter-Arguments and Evidence Limits

STLA connected-vehicle platform sub-vendors. Stellantis’s STLA connected-vehicle platform involves extensive data partnerships for telematics, over-the-air software updates, and fleet analytics. Vendor-level details for the security and analytics tooling underpinning this platform are not publicly disclosed at a granularity that would reveal or rule out Israeli-origin component use. This constitutes a structural evidence gap: sub-vendor and technology-component details for large systems integrator engagements (with Capgemini, Accenture, IBM, and comparable consultancies) are not publicly disclosed, and any Israeli-origin technology embedded within such an engagement would not surface in public records.²³

Israeli distributor technology stack. The technology stack of Colmobil/Bram Auto’s local distributor operations — including any CRM, dealership management, or aftersales platforms — is not publicly disclosed. Distributor-level technology choices are the independent commercial decisions of the distributor entity and are not attributable to Peugeot or Stellantis. Nonetheless, this represents an unresolved gap at the distributor level.

Score stability. The 0.00 score across all V-DIG criteria is robust. No plausible evidence-gap resolution — short of discovering an undisclosed named Israeli technology vendor contract — would produce a material change. The structural sub-vendor gap is acknowledged but generates no scorable positive finding on available evidence.

Named Entities and Evidence Map

V-ECON: Economic

Mechanism of Involvement

The V-ECON domain examines Peugeot’s supply chain and sourcing relationships in Israel, product origin and labelling compliance, investment and capital exposure to Israel, operational presence and market activity, corporate structure, and profit repatriation mechanics. The domain score is 2.48 — the highest single domain contribution to the composite — driven by a confirmed and ongoing exclusive franchise distribution relationship generating recurring wholesale revenue flows outward from Israel to Stellantis.

The franchise distribution model — structural basis of the V-ECON score. Peugeot-branded vehicles are sold in Israel through Colmobil Group / Bram Auto, an independent Israeli publicly traded company serving as the exclusive importer and distributor of Peugeot, Citroën, and DS Automobiles in Israel under a franchise agreement with Stellantis/PSA.¹³ Under this model, Colmobil purchases vehicles from Stellantis at wholesale transfer prices, takes title at delivery, bears import risk, and manages all downstream retail, service, and aftersales operations. Retail profit from Israeli end-customer sales accrues to Colmobil as the Israeli-domiciled distributor. The profit flow runs directionally outward from Israel to Stellantis: Peugeot/Stellantis receives wholesale revenue from Colmobil in exchange for vehicles supplied, incorporating OEM margin. No profit flows from Stellantis into Israel in the form of dividends to Israeli shareholders, royalties to an Israeli entity, or capital repatriation to an Israeli beneficiary.²⁶

Impact criterion — Sustained Trade (3.5). The rubric places exclusive and sole-authorised dealer arrangements in the Sustained Trade band. The exclusivity of Colmobil’s role is the key structural fact: Stellantis has designated a single Israeli entity as its commercial representative for Peugeot in the Israeli market, establishing a recurring, multi-year, contract-governed wholesale trading relationship. This is not ad-hoc or spot-market trade. The relationship has been continuous across the PSA Group era and into the Stellantis period, spanning multiple model cycles and fleet generations.¹³²⁶

Magnitude criterion — Modest Presence (4.5). Israel is one of numerous markets in Stellantis’s aggregate Middle East and Africa (MEA) segment, which reported approximately €19.2 billion in net revenues for full-year 2023 with no country-level disaggregation for Israel.²⁶ No Israel-specific revenue figure is published by Stellantis. Israeli Central Bureau of Statistics vehicle registration data and Israel Vehicle Importers Association (LMIA) annual data confirm Peugeot brand presence in the Israeli market without indicating a dominant market share or strategic market significance at OEM level.²⁷ NGO and human rights reporting (Yesh Din, Who Profits) notes Peugeot and Citroën vehicles among those observed in West Bank contexts, consistent with sustained market volume.¹⁹ The franchise relationship is established and ongoing but not characterised as a strategic growth priority in Stellantis investor disclosures; the OEM could switch distributors without causing major corporate disruption. The 4.5 score reflects confirmed ongoing franchise presence over multiple years in a market of moderate size.

Proximity criterion — Indirect but Meaningful (5.5). The exclusivity of the Colmobil/Bram Auto arrangement is the governing Proximity factor. Although Colmobil is an independently owned Israeli company rather than a Stellantis subsidiary, the franchise agreement designates Colmobil as Stellantis’s sole commercial representative in Israel. This is more proximate than arm’s-length open-market distribution to anonymous resellers; it is a contractual relationship conferring exclusive market rights and ongoing commercial obligations on both parties. The rubric classifies exclusive distributor arrangements at this Proximity band, reflecting the contractual bond without Stellantis owning Israeli operations.¹³

No direct FDI, R&D, or owned Israeli infrastructure. No Stellantis- or Peugeot-owned offices, sales facilities, warehouses, assembly points, or support centres within Israel or the occupied Palestinian territories have been identified. Stellantis has no vehicle assembly plant in Israel, and no Israeli-domiciled entity is listed among Stellantis’s disclosed subsidiaries or manufacturing locations.¹¹ No R&D facility, technology partnership, or accelerator programme operating within Israel has been identified. Stellantis’s principal R&D centres are in France, Italy, Germany, and the United States.¹¹

Shareholder structure — no Israeli exposure. No Israeli sovereign, institutional, or corporate entity appears among Stellantis’s disclosed major shareholders. Major shareholders — Exor N.V., EPF, Bpifrance, Dongfeng Motor Group, and institutional free float — are domiciled in the Netherlands, France, and China. Stellantis does not repatriate profits to Israel; the direction of any Israel-adjacent financial flow is from Israel (via Colmobil’s wholesale purchases) to Stellantis’s European group.¹²

Vehicle presence in West Bank contexts. NGO reporting from Yesh Din, B’Tselem, and Who Profits has documented Peugeot- and Citroën-branded vehicles among those used by Israeli security forces and military units in the West Bank.¹⁹ This reflects vehicle procurement by Israeli government and military entities through the domestic Israeli market via the Colmobil/Bram Auto distribution network, not confirmed direct OEM supply contracts between Stellantis N.V. and Israeli state entities. The distinction between civilian distributor sales to government fleet buyers and direct OEM government contracting is material to assessing the depth of the commercial relationship.

Counter-Arguments and Evidence Limits

Israel-specific revenue unknown. The principal quantitative uncertainty in this domain is the absence of an Israel-specific revenue figure in any Stellantis public filing. The 4.5 Magnitude score is calibrated to confirmed ongoing multi-year franchise presence in a market of moderate regional size. If Israeli vehicle registration data were to reveal a materially larger wholesale revenue figure or dominant Peugeot market share, Magnitude could rise to 5.5–6.0, increasing V-ECON to approximately 2.2–2.7 — still within the same order of magnitude and within Tier E.

Bram Auto / Colmobil beneficial ownership. The ultimate beneficial ownership of Bram Auto and the full corporate structure of any cross-holdings within the Israeli automotive distribution sector are not fully resolvable from publicly accessible English-language records. Direct registry lookup of Israeli Companies Registrar (Rasham HaChevrot) filings would be required to conclusively map the ownership chain.²⁸ This does not affect the scoring, as the franchise relationship itself is confirmed.

No agricultural supply relationships. No commercial relationship between Peugeot, Stellantis, or any Stellantis-controlled entity and Israeli agricultural aggregators, fresh produce exporters, or entities such as Mehadrin, Hadiklaim, or Agrexco has been identified. Such relationships would have no logical basis in an automotive OEM’s procurement structure.²⁶

No settlement goods mislabelling. No regulatory citations, EU customs compliance notices, or NGO investigations specifically identifying Peugeot or Stellantis in connection with settlement-origin goods mislabelling have been identified. Peugeot manufactures vehicles, which carry country-of-final-assembly designations from their European production sites.⁷

Named Entities and Evidence Map

V-POL: Political

Mechanism of Involvement

The V-POL domain examines Peugeot’s corporate communications and public stance, operations in occupied or contested territories, internal governance and retail policies, brand heritage and state partnerships, lobbying and advocacy, and the conduct of key executives. The domain score is 1.07 — grounded in a documented pattern of selective corporate silence on the Israel-Palestine conflict against a background of demonstrated geopolitical engagement on comparable situations.

Documented selective silence — the core V-POL finding. Stellantis N.V. issued a formal public statement in March 2022 announcing the suspension of its commercial operations in Russia, the halting of vehicle shipments, and the winding down of its Kaluga assembly partnership following Russia’s invasion of Ukraine.⁵ The company also donated vehicles and logistics support for Ukrainian humanitarian relief during this period.⁵ This constitutes a documented instance of the parent corporation adopting a public geopolitical position and executing corresponding operational action in response to an armed conflict. No equivalent corporate statement, policy response, or operational adjustment has been identified in relation to the Israel-Palestine conflict, the October 7, 2023 Hamas attacks, or the subsequent Israeli military operations in Gaza through the end of 2024.⁸ CEO Carlos Tavares made no identified public statements on the Israel-Palestine conflict during his tenure.⁹ The absence is not ambiguous: it is a sustained absence across the full duration of the most intensively covered armed conflict of the 2023–2024 period.

Contextual breadth of Stellantis’s ESG communications. Stellantis has published corporate ESG statements on climate change, racial equity following the 2020 George Floyd protests, and supply chain human rights concerning cobalt sourcing in the Democratic Republic of Congo.²⁹ The selective engagement across geopolitical and human rights matters — with the notable omission of Israel-Palestine — is the analytical basis for the V-POL Impact score of 2.5 (Low / Double Standard). The score does not reach Business-as-Usual (3.1–4.0) because no active advocacy in support of Israeli government positions, shareholder resolution opposition, or HR enforcement related to Israel has been identified. It does not reach higher bands because no sustained multi-year opposition to divestment resolutions or contractual use restrictions has been identified.

Distribution network — Colmobil’s Israeli market presence. Colmobil Group, a Tel Aviv-based publicly traded company, serves as the official importer and distributor of Peugeot, Citroën, and DS Automobiles in Israel.¹³ Who Profits Research Center lists Colmobil in the context of automotive sales in Israel, with reference to the broader Israeli market including settlement consumers.¹⁹ However, specific documentation of Peugeot/Colmobil dealership or service infrastructure physically located within internationally recognised settlements — as distinct from sales delivered to settlement residents — is not confirmed in identified sources at the level of specificity required to name a particular settlement location. This is an identified evidence gap.

UN OHCHR database status. The UN OHCHR database of businesses operating in Israeli settlements, published in February 2020 and subsequently updated, does not list Peugeot SA, PSA Group, Stellantis N.V., or Colmobil as listed entities.⁷ The OHCHR database covers a defined universe of companies and may not capture all downstream distributors; Colmobil’s specific status relative to OHCHR listing criteria has not been independently confirmed or denied in reviewed sources — an acknowledged gap.

No lobbying on Israel-related matters. Stellantis is registered in the EU Transparency Register and actively lobbies the European Parliament and European Commission on automotive regulatory matters — emissions standards, the electric vehicle transition, and trade policy.³⁰ No lobbying activity related to Israel-Palestine policy, anti-BDS legislation, or Middle East trade legislation is documented in EU lobbying disclosures. OpenSecrets data for Stellantis does not identify any US lobbying expenditure on Israel-related legislation, anti-BDS bills, or Middle East policy.³¹ ACEA (European Automobile Manufacturers’ Association) lobbying does not address Israel-Palestine matters.³²

No financial contributions to Israeli state-linked organisations. No public evidence has been identified of Peugeot, PSA Group, or Stellantis making corporate donations or financial contributions to Israeli parastatal organisations, settlement-associated funds, or military welfare organisations, including the Friends of the IDF (FIDF) or the Jewish National Fund (JNF).³³

No BDS campaign targeting. The BDS Movement’s publicly listed targeted companies do not include Peugeot or Stellantis as a primary named campaign target as of 2024.³⁴ Amnesty International’s apartheid reporting and Human Rights Watch’s Occupation Inc. report do not identify Peugeot or Stellantis as named subjects.³⁵³⁶ No organised, sustained boycott campaign specifically targeting Peugeot or Stellantis on Israel-Palestine grounds has been identified in any reviewed source.

Rubric mapping. The Magnitude score of 3.5 (Minor Recurring) reflects that the silence is ongoing (sustained through the full 2023–2024 conflict period, not a single isolated act) and that Stellantis is a large global OEM with significant public profile, amplifying the significance of the contrast with the Ukraine response. The Proximity score of 8.5 reflects that Stellantis’s own leadership made the Ukraine response decision and the selective silence is the parent entity’s own political posture, directly attributable to the entity being scored.

Counter-Arguments and Evidence Limits

Silence as neutral corporate practice. The strongest counter-argument to the V-POL finding is that corporate silence on geopolitical conflicts is a standard and widespread practice, and that the Ukraine response may represent an exceptional circumstance rather than an established pattern of selective engagement. Under this reading, the absence of an Israel-Palestine statement does not constitute a “double standard” but simply a case-by-case business judgement informed by factors including Russia’s role as an active party in the automotive supply chain. The audit’s V-POL scoring acknowledges this by placing the score at 2.5 rather than higher bands, and by noting that no active advocacy in support of Israeli government positions has been identified.

Settlement-area Colmobil footprint — unconfirmed. The claim that Colmobil’s operations extend meaningfully into East Jerusalem or West Bank settlement areas is an identified evidence gap. The Who Profits listing references broad Israeli market distribution without documenting specific settlement-located infrastructure. Verification would require Israeli Planning Authority records or direct on-the-ground reporting not available in reviewed sources.¹⁹

EPF philanthropic portfolio gap. EPF’s full charitable giving portfolio is not publicly disclosed in granular detail. Full verification of whether any Peugeot family charitable giving is directed toward Israeli or Palestinian causes would require review of French regulatory filings not publicly available.³⁷ No positive finding exists, but absence of evidence is not equivalent to confirmed absence.

Score stability. The V-POL score of 1.07 is stable under plausible evidence-gap resolution. Even if Colmobil’s settlement-area presence were confirmed at dealership level, this would affect V-ECON Proximity more than V-POL. The absence of lobbying, financial contributions to Israeli organisations, shareholder resolution opposition, and HR enforcement actions caps the V-POL score materially below higher bands.

Named Entities and Evidence Map

Cross-Domain Counter-Arguments and Evidence Limits

The four domain audits share several structural limitations that apply across the composite score:

Training-data constraint. All findings derive from training-data knowledge through April 2026; live web retrieval was unavailable during the audit session. Independent live-web verification against Who Profits, AFSC Investigate, OHCHR databases, SIBAT listings, Stellantis IR pages, and vendor press rooms is recommended before acting on any specific finding.²²⁷

Israeli procurement opacity. Israeli MoD tender data and fleet procurement records for civilian-channel purchases by the Israel Police, Border Police, and Civil Administration are not consistently published in accessible formats. This creates a persistent gap across V-MIL and V-ECON regarding government fleet acquisitions via Colmobil/Bram Auto.

Stellantis group sub-vendor opacity. Vendor-level details for Stellantis’s major enterprise IT and connected-vehicle platform engagements are not publicly disclosed at a granularity that would confirm or deny Israeli-origin component use within systems integrator arrangements. This is a structural limitation applicable across V-DIG.

Distributor-level opacity. Both V-ECON and V-POL acknowledge that the full beneficial ownership structure of Colmobil/Bram Auto and the precise geographic footprint of its Israeli operations (including any settlement-area infrastructure) are not fully resolvable from publicly accessible English-language records alone.

Score robustness. Despite these gaps, the composite score of 127 (Tier E) is robust. The sensitivity analysis in the scoring file demonstrates that even a doubling of the V-ECON Magnitude parameter — which the current evidence does not support — would produce a BRS of approximately 188, still within Tier E. The absence of military contracting (V-MIL ~0), digital integration (V-DIG = 0), and active political advocacy (V-POL capped at 1.07) is the dominant structural driver of the low composite.

Named Entities and Evidence Map

BDS-1000 Score

Composite BDS-1000 Score: 127 — Tier E (0–199)

V-ECON is the leading domain (V_MAX = 1.77 before scaling). The composite formula applies a 20% weighting to the sum of the remaining three domains (0.09 + 0.00 + 1.25 = 1.34): BRS = ((1.77 + 1.34 × 0.2) / 16) × 1000 = (2.038 / 16) × 1000 = 127.

The score reflects an entity whose primary connection to Israel is transactional commerce via an independent distributor, with no military contracting, no digital integration with Israeli state entities, and a V-POL finding grounded solely in documented selective silence rather than active advocacy. V-DIG’s zero score is a meaningful structural finding: the complete absence of Israeli-origin technology engagement is the reason the composite remains at the lower end of Tier E rather than a higher tier. The Proximity parameter in V-POL reaches 8.5 — indicating high direct attributability to Stellantis’s own leadership decisions — but is moderated by low Impact and modest Magnitude, keeping the V-POL contribution to the composite limited.

Confidence, Limits, and Open Questions

High-confidence findings:

• No direct military contracting between Stellantis/Peugeot and Israeli defence or security entities (V-MIL)
• No Israeli-origin named technology vendor contracts, R&D presence, or Project Nimbus participation (V-DIG)
• Exclusive franchise distribution via Colmobil/Bram Auto as the mechanism for Israeli market presence (V-ECON)
• Documented selective silence on Israel-Palestine relative to Ukraine (V-POL)
• Peugeot/Stellantis not listed in UN OHCHR settlement database, AFSC Investigate, or as primary BDS campaign target

Medium-confidence findings:

• V-ECON Magnitude (4.5): calibrated to confirmed ongoing franchise presence; Israel-specific revenue unknown
• V-MIL Magnitude (1.5): no quantity, value, or duration data for any Israeli security-force fleet procurement

Open questions requiring further verification:

1. Have Israeli security forces (police, Border Police, Civil Administration) procured Peugeot LCVs through Colmobil/Bram Auto’s civilian channel? — Requires Israeli MoD tender data or direct fleet procurement records.
2. Does Colmobil hold dealership or service infrastructure physically located within internationally recognised settlements? — Requires Israeli Planning Authority records or field reporting.
3. Does the full beneficial ownership structure of Bram Auto / Colmobil reveal any cross-holdings material to the assessment? — Requires Israeli Companies Registrar lookup.
4. Does the STLA connected-vehicle platform incorporate Israeli-origin technology components through sub-vendor arrangements? — Requires vendor-level disclosure from Stellantis or direct systems integrator transparency.
5. Does EPF’s full philanthropic portfolio include any giving directed toward Israeli or Palestinian causes? — Requires review of French regulatory filings.
6. Does Stellantis’s Tier 2/3 supply chain include any Israeli-domiciled component suppliers? — Requires direct supply chain audit data beyond public disclosure.

Recommended Actions

For advocacy and civil society organisations (score: 127, Tier E):

At Tier E, the evidence base does not support a primary targeted campaign against Peugeot or Stellantis on military supply or digital infrastructure grounds. The validated V-MIL and V-DIG nil findings should be treated as factual constraints on campaign claims. The strongest validated finding is the V-POL selective silence, which supports a public communications framing around corporate consistency — asking Stellantis to apply to the Israel-Palestine conflict the same standard of geopolitical transparency applied to Ukraine.

Recommended specific actions:

• Shareholder engagement: Bpifrance (~6.2% Stellantis) and Exor N.V. (~14.4% Stellantis) are the accessible major shareholders. Formal shareholder resolutions at Stellantis’s AGM requesting disclosure of Israeli distributor franchise terms, any security-force fleet supply, and a consistent geopolitical human rights communications standard are grounded in the validated V-POL and V-ECON findings.
• Distributor transparency request: The principal unresolved evidence gap is the scope of Colmobil’s operations relative to settlement areas and security-force fleet procurement. Requests directed at Stellantis’s investor relations and supply chain transparency functions — rather than at Peugeot as a brand — for disclosure of Colmobil’s geographic operational footprint and any government fleet contracts are proportionate to the validated evidence.
• Fill evidence gaps before escalating. The open questions identified above — particularly the Israeli security-force procurement gap and the Colmobil settlement-area footprint — should be addressed through Israeli procurement transparency requests, OHCHR database verification, and Israeli Companies Registrar research before the score or any related campaign claim is escalated to a higher tier.
• Monitor V-DIG. The STLA platform sub-vendor gap represents a plausible future avenue of inquiry if Stellantis discloses or announces Israeli technology partnerships. No current action is warranted absent a positive finding.
• Do not present absence as confirmation of compliance. The nil V-MIL and V-DIG findings reflect the limits of publicly available evidence, not a certified clean supply chain. Organisations citing this dossier should preserve this distinction.

End Notes